Author Archives: Bonnie Allen

A Brave Young Journalist in Jordan

Jordanian investigative journalist Hanan Khandakji with jhr’s media trainer Bonnie Allen in Amman, Jordan.

Jordanian investigative journalist Hanan Khandakji with JHR’s media trainer Bonnie Allen in Amman, Jordan.

While I’m doing human rights reporting training in different countries, I like to use local ‘success’ stories that will resonate with journalists. In Jordan, that example comes from a brave young woman named Hanan Khandakji.

In 2011, at the age of 22, Hanan went undercover to document physical abuse and negligence at private care centers for mentally disabled children in Jordan.

During JHR’s visit to Amman, Jordan, the Canadian Ambassador hosted Journalists for Human Rights and members of the Jordanian media at his residence . While there,  I was thrilled to have the chance to sit down with Hanan to learn more about her investigation.

A petite university student with lovely brown eyes, Hanan laughed when I asked if she was nervous about going undercover. “Of course! It was my first investigation,” she said.

These private care centers are big business in Jordan, often catering to rich or affluent businessmen in the Gulf Region who send their mentally or physically disabled children away to Jordan to live in residential care homes.

The story started two years ago. Hanan was studying business at university and filing freelance stories to Radio Al-Balad and AmmanNet. A friend had told her about his disabled sister who lived in a care home and suffered physical abuse. At the same time, the newsroom received a tip about sexual abuse in another care home. Those two reports compelled Hanan to launch her investigation.

She spent months compiling research and interviewing families. She was convinced the only way to gather evidence was to go undercover. She devised a ‘cover story’.

“I told them I wanted to volunteer because I needed community service hours for university credit,” explained Hanan. Finally, a care center agreed. She started her volunteer work with an audio recorder hidden in her purse.

Mentally disabled children were beaten by caregivers in private homes in Jordan. (courtesy BBC Arabic)

Mentally disabled children were beaten by caregivers in private homes in Jordan. (courtesy BBC Arabic)

Over eight days, she documented beatings and maltreatment of children with mental and developmental challenges ranging from severe autism to Downs Syndrome. Hanan witnessed children being tied to chairs and ignored all day. Others were hit and kicked. One ‘caregiver’ described how she jumped on a boy until she didn’t feel him breathing anymore. “I thought he was dead,” said the woman.

A supervisor at the the care facility told Hanan that beating the children was “part of therapy, or a way for the supervisor to vent out his/her feelings.”

Hanan wasn’t alone in her investigation. She received support and supervision from Majdoulien Allan and Saad Hattarf from the Arab Reporters for Investigative Journalism (ARIJ) network.

When Hanan was ready to release her print and radio stories, she was told that BBC Arabic Television had learned of her investigation through ARIJ and wanted to film it. At first, Hanan was reluctant. It would mean going back into a care home.

“I was tired. It had affected me psychologically,” she told me.

Still, she knew that international exposure could mean the issue would get more attention and place more pressure on authorities inside Jordan.

“If the same report come out in local media, it won’t have the same affect. [Jordanian authorities] are afraid of the international scandal,” said Hanan.

Hanan Khandakji filmed teachers mistreating children in their care. (courtesy BBC Arabic)

Hanan Khandakji filmed teachers mistreating children in their care. (courtesy BBC Arabic)

So, in February 2012, she went back inside the care home for another eight days, this time equipped with a hidden camera courtesy of BBC.

Hanan’s work is brave by any standards, but particularly so in a country where more than half of the media admit that they avoid reporting stories critical of the government. Jordanian journalists are also discouraged from reporting anything that would “embarrass” the proud yet aid-reliant nation.

When Hanan’s story “Jordan’s Secret Shame” was aired by BBC, it caused an uproar. Jordanians were appalled. Jordan’s Minister of Social Development visited the center but initially tried to dismiss the abuses as ‘isolated cases’ and not a systemic problem. However, that same day, Jordan’s King Abdullah II  went to the center and ordered an urgent investigation.

To its credit, the investigation committee did not whitewash the issue. In fact, within two weeks, it submitted its final report and revealed additional abuses including keeping mentally disabled children in cages.

Eight of Jordan’s 54 private care homes now face allegations of abuse. Three centers were closed and several case workers are still under criminal investigation.

Jordan’s government promised to revise policies and laws to meet international human rights standards.

This is the kind of story, impact and outcome that JHR strives for in its country programs in sub-Saharan Africa. It’s still to be determined whether this report will lead to systemic change, but Jordanian journalists should be inspired by Hanan’s brave reporting. I know I am.

 

 

You can watch a short English version of the video Hanan filmed  here: Abuse of disabled children in Jordan’s care home.

And read the BBC English report here:  BBC uncovers abuse at children’s care homes in Jordan  (link to : http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-middle-east-18073144  )

Confusing times for journalists in Egypt

Bonnie Allen is an expert JHR-trainer who is currently conducting workshops throughout the MENA region on behalf of JHR.

It’s a confusing time to be a journalist in Egypt.

That became clear to me during our trainings in Cairo and Alexandria. The Egyptian journalists who chose to learn more about human rights reporting said they feel both energized and demoralized, more free and yet more at risk, proud of the emerging independent media while also uncertain about journalistic integrity.

In the early post-Mubarak days, many journalists felt for the first time that they had a voice and could report freely without government censorship. Those were heady times.

For almost six decades, Egypt’s  government had controlled state-owned media outlets and employed official ‘censors’. They frequently arrested journalists who dared to report anything critical. It got to the point that journalists simply stopped daring.

Then, in January 2011, hundreds of thousands of people rallied for freedom in Tahrir Square. Journalists defiantly stood shoulder-to-shoulder with demonstrators. They suffered attacks and arrests and often became part of the story. At the same time, citizens uploaded photos and videos and reveled in the title ‘citizen journalists.’

The fall of Mubarak simultaneously rid journalists of their shackles and convinced them of the power of their voices.

While many question whether the media is free under the new president, Mohamed Morsi (there is mounting evidence that the Muslim Brotherhood is enforcing its own control) it’s not so much their security that is causing confusion, but rather their role.

To be clear, I’m humbled by the struggles of Egyptian journalists. My job here is to focus on best practices for human rights reporting, and to make space for them to define their role. They are the first to admit — many journalists are still blurring the lines between reporting and advocacy.

In Alexandria, we debated those terms. Advocacy Journalism. Citizen Journalism. My personal opinion is that both titles are an oxymoron, but I’m always up for a good debate.

I think we agreed that the difference between citizen-generated content and journalism is the process of verifying information.

As for advocacy, it’s the age-old question of whether anyone can be truly objective.

On this, I’m old school. I apply the traditional concept of objectivity, according to The Elements of Journalism by Bill Kovach and Tom Rosenstiel. They wrote, “When the concept originally evolved, it was not meant to imply that journalists were free of bias. Quite the contrary…. Objectivity called for journalists to develop a consistent method of testing information—a transparent approach to evidence—precisely so that personal and cultural biases would not undermine the accuracy of their work.”

That’s why much of the training in Egypt was teaching journalists how to apply a ‘consistent method’ to their human rights reporting.

I think a few participants anticipated the jhr training would be about how to become a human rights defender and campaigner. At first, all this talk about double-sourcing, fact-checking, balancing stories and verifying information was a bit tedious compared to the sexiness of firebrand journalism. But, in general, I was buoyed by their determination. The Egyptian journalists who attended the trainings seemed ready to embrace a profession that has both freedom and standards

The Pursuit of Press Freedom in Liberia

This article was originally published in June 2010

Smile FM. The once-charming name for a community radio station in southeastern Liberia is now, at best, ironic.

At worst, it’s a mocking reminder of how tarnished this symbol of grassroots media and freedom of expression has become.

Today, reporters at Smile FM in Zwedru, speaking only with anonymity, admit: “We work in fear.”

Journalists in Liberia demand less political interference and more government accountability.

Smile FM’s troubles began two years ago, when the County Police Commander and two Liberia National Police officers marched into the studio, ordered staff to leave, and took control of the the radio station. They were acting on orders of the County Superintendent, Chris Bailey, appointed by President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf to manage Grand Gedeh County.

“[The police] said we needed to leave the compound by order of the Superintendent, and the radio should be shut down for carrying anti-government slogans,” describes former station manager Garley Marh, who has been banned from the premises ever since.

This is one of the radio stations for which Journalists for Human Rights is trying to provide training for reporters. So, as you can imagine, as I stand in front of Smile FM’s reporters, giving my best inspirational speech about them being “courageous watchdogs” and “holding those in public office accountable”…well, it’s just not that simple.

United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon emphasizes universal right to publicly held information.

Critical Reporting

“This all started with criticisms of the regime,” declares Marh.

The takeover at Smile FM is an example of the kind of political censorship that earned Liberia a poor grade in Freedom House’s 2009 Freedom of the Press report. It categorized Liberia as “Not Free” after measuring three factors: legal environment in which media outlets operate; political influences on reporting and access to information and economic pressures (such as bribery and advertising dollars) on content and the dissemination of news.

These are not violent crimes, as were once regularly inflicted on Liberian journalists and editors, but they are still pressing issues that inspired Liberia’s Press Union to march through the streets of Monrovia on World Press Freedom Day in May.

Liberia Press Union parades through downtown Monrovia.

Media Responsibility

To be frank, I see the tensions and clashes between government and media as partly the media’s fault. Many editors and journalists unethically report libelous and sensational stories that unfairly indict officials in the public arena. The media outlets in Liberia need to raise their professional standards and become responsible for their reporting. But by no means is this an excuse for the government to violate its Constitutional guarantee of freedom of information, expression and media.

In Zwedru, the “criticisms of the regime” on Smile FM were actually raised by several civil society organizations that were questioning the local authorities’ unilateral use of County Development Funds. They accused the Superintendent of mismanaging the money and failing to implement the County’s Development Agenda, which lays out plans for improvements in health, education, justice, roads, economic development and reconstruction.

“The Development Agenda is what the citizens want, so if you leave the agenda then, definitely, you need to be quizzed,” says Marh.

He’s quick to point out that his radio reporters were careful to balance the story.

Nonetheless, Smile FM was accused of running “anti-government slogans.”

The Superintendent dissolved the board of community members and instituted his own board of cronies, who then set up their own management team. The radio station is now, essentially, a government lip-service.

A young reporter at Smile FM describes how the Superintendent phones the radio station to dictate what stories should be covered.

As for anything critical of government?

“Nobody has every tried to report that….We don’t venture to report those issues,” admits the reporter (who I won’t identify to protect his job).

Several hours from Zwedru, in Salala District, Bong County, a similar incident took place at another community radio station when a manager and board of directors were dismissed shortly after reports on air about alleged corruption in the Mayor’s office.

Better than Before

The Center for Media Studies and Peace Building (CEMESP) in Monrovia tracks incidents of harassment and intimidation of journalists in Liberia on its website www.cemesp-liberia.org. CEMESP Chairman, Abdullai Kamara, recognizes that today’s offenses are a far cry from the more violent days when journalists were regularly arrested, beaten and charged with espionage and criminal libel.

jhr media trainer Bonnie Allen advocates for press freedom with Liberian colleagues.

“Today is different from when newspaper offices were not only ordered shut, but were also burnt down, and staff flogged and killed,” says Kamara.

In fact, the burgeoning number of newspapers peddled on the streets of Monrovia, with front-page stories and sensational headlines about government figures, and the ever-increasing radio stations that air lively talk-shows with passionate shouting matches, would lead many to believe that Liberia’s press are strong and free.

But CEMESP recently published a report titled, “Intimidation: The renewal of censorship in Liberia, Attacks on Freedom of Expression 2009.” It outlines physical intimidation of journalists, seizure of cameras, slapstick lawsuits against media outlets, and the shutdown of printing presses to censor newspaper stories.

The media in Liberia are also trying to push a Freedom of Information bill through the Legislature, because government officials frequently refuse to release public information. The Press Union wants a criminal libel law removed from the books, as well.

Right to Free Speech

Back in Zwedru, a ten-hour drive from Monrovia, Garley Marh’s troubles show that state actors continue to violate free speech rights.

In March, when the President was scheduled to visit his city, Marh stood waiting on the street with a placard that read, “We want positive change.”

Before Ellen Johnson Sirleaf rolled into town, he says that police officers grabbed him, ripped his poster and threw him in jail. After two nights in a cell, he was released.

The Zwedru Magisterial Court acquitted Marh on charges of disorderly conduct.

Today, he can only shake his head.

At least, despite everything, he still feels free enough to share his story.

Angry Elephants and Human Rights

River Cess Road

Rough, muddy and rutted roads.

Untouched wilderness.

The Road to River Cess…

I’ve always loved road trips, so one of my favorite things about training journalists is getting outside of Liberia’s capital, Monrovia, and driving ‘into the bush.’

Journalists for Human Rights provides money every month to cover expenses for reporters who pitch original, independent human rights stories. It’s part of a grassroots Human Rights Reporting Network in Liberia.

Liberia Reporting Network trip to Rivercess

Reporters: Nathan Charles (ELBC Radio), Bonnie Allen (jhr trainer), Benjamin Bah (driver), Heston M. Jackson II (the Inquirer), Wellington Railey (STAR Radio), Jerome Toe (Daily Observer), Sam Zota Jr. (the Monitor)

In June, five newspaper and radio journalists proposed a reporting expedition to one of Liberia’s least developed counties, River Cess, to investigate the state of healthcare, justice, living conditions and angry elephants (more on that later).

River Cess is 320 kilometres from Monrovia, but it can feel much, much longer in rainy season when the roads are bad. Fortunately, the road to Cestos City, the capital of River Cess, is bumpy but bearable. Beyond Cestos, it’s almost impassable. Some government workers in the remote districts must walk four to eight hours to collect their pay cheques every month because a round-trip taxi costs $3000 LD (about $42 USD), eating up most of their $4000 LD salary.

The first interview did not bode well for the trip. The County Police Commander refused to be interviewed, while a drunk police officer sang and shouted in the entrance of the police station.

Dr. Daniel Obasi, only doctor in River Cess County.

70,000 People,
1 Doctor

From there, we moved to the St. Francis Hospital to interview the only doctor in the entire county, Dr. Daniel Obasi. Originally from Nigeria, Dr. Obasi is on-call day and night, 7 days a week, to handle every major case in the county. But with no x-ray machine or other critical equipment, he’s limited in what he can do. The two ambulances rarely have fuel, so seriously ill patients usually transport themselves to Buchanan or Monrovia for surgeries.

Baby Prince gets a TB vaccination at St. Francis Hospital.

While there, we see two-week old twins Prince and Princess get their TB vaccinations. Liberia’s infant and under-5 mortality rates remain among the highest in the world. In River Cess, widespread malnutrition compromises the health of children and makes them more vulnerable to malaria, diarrhea, and cholera.

Empty Courts and Escapees

The next stop was the Courthouse and County Attorney. In a country where the formal justice system has been dysfunctional and corrupt since the civil war ended seven years ago, I was interested to learn what progress has been made.

“The system is in shambles,” said County Attorney Onesimus Banwon.

Shockingly, there are no cases on the circuit court docket this month. Why? Banwon told reporters that there is only one trained Magisterial judge to refer cases. Mostly, family members compromise cases by paying off victims, and police officers ignore crimes for a small bribe.

“Crimes are being committed. But, unfortunately, we’ve been unable to get new cases. The docket is empty. It’s the fact that courts are not available in the districts,” explains Banwon.

In fact, even if a case was presented to the circuit court in Cestos City, most witnesses and victims could never afford the travel costs to testify.

Makeshift Prison in River Cess County houses detainees awaiting trial.

Journalists inspect a "cell" inside a wooden shack used as a prison.

Beyond that, the County Attorney revealed that four men who were scheduled for trial had escaped from the makeshift prison down the street. As you can see, it’s basically a wooden box with metal hinges. The prison superintendent claims that sea salt from the nearby Atlantic Ocean had rusted the hinges and the prisoners managed to escape. One was accused of raping an 85-year old woman. Another was charged with aggravated assault after reportedly stabbing his girlfriend in the neck and face.

Interviews with most county and city officials were not possible because most of them were in Monrovia. Cynically, I couldn’t help but think that government workers transplanted to River Cess didn’t spend too much time there.

ELBC reporter Nathan Charles escorts a blind man into his house.

As we crisscrossed this small city, the journalists talked to ordinary people on the street. They interviewed a blind man, Samuel Outland, who lives in a dilapidated old shack with shredded metal for windows. There are no services for disabled people in this remote county, so he can’t learn braille or acquire any skills.

Rural women and local fishermen called for micro-loans and banking services to help entrepreneurs. The County Development Agenda also recommends this, stating “The County has no bank, and consequently the population does not have access to credit, savings accounts, or other business development services to bolster economic activity and self-sufficiency.”

The journalists also inspected a few government-funded construction projects underway: a house for the President for when she visits, a 20-room guest house to accommodate visitors or investors, a conference center and a house for the Superintendent.

A residence constructed for Liberia's President. Each of the 15 counties is supposed to have one.

Cestos River. The County is rich in fish and timber, but with limited services and roads.

Angry Elephant ‘Protesters’

But, the real buzz in River Cess was over angry elephants.

According to residents, and endorsed by county officials, angry elephants have been attacking vehicles to protest logging companies in the area. Elders are reportedly dissatisfied with the logging companies for failing to uphold social agreements signed with local citizens. This prompted elephants to stomp on and crush more than one vehicle. The County Inspector assured the journalists that the elephants would continue to their protest until the logging companies changed their ways.

We debated visiting the area, but the journalists decided it would not be safe for fear the elephants confused our truck with that of a logging company.

Heston buys a bag of cooking coal. Much cheaper in rural Liberia.

Bad roads = Vehicle breakdowns

Small village in River Cess. Most communities are difficult to reach in rainy season.